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Next El Plan de Santa Barbara For all peoples, as with individual, the time
comes when they must reckon with their history. For the Chicano the present is a
time of renaissance, of renacimiento. Our people and our community, el barrio
and la colonia, are expressing a new consciousness and a new resolve.
Recognizing the historical tasks confronting our people and fully aware of the
cost of human progress, we pledge our will to move. We will move forward toward
our destiny as a people. We will move against those forces which have denied us
freedom of expression and human dignity. Throughout history the quest for
cultural expression and freedom has taken the form of a struggle. Our struggle
tempered by the lessons of the American past, is an historical reality. For
decades Mexican people in the United States struggle to realize the ''American
Dream''. And some, a few, have. But the cost, the
ultimate cost of assimilation, required turning away from el barrio and la
colonia. In the meantime, due to the racist structure of this society, to our
essentially different life style, and to the socio-economic functions assigned
to our community by Anglo-American society - as suppliers of cheap labor and
dumping ground for the small-time capitalist entrepreneur- the barrio and
colonia remained exploited, impoverished, and marginal. As a result, the
self-determination of our community is now the only acceptable mandate for
social and political action; it is the essence of Chicano commitment. Culturally, the word Chicano, in the past a
pejorative and class-bound adjective, has now become the root idea of a new
cultural identity for our people. It also reveals a growing solidarity and the
development of a common social praxis. The widespread use of the term Chicano
today signals a rebirth of pride and confidence. Chicanismo simply embodies and
ancient truth: that a person is never closer to his/her true self as when he/she
is close to his/her community. Chicanismo draws its faith and strength from two
main sources: from the just struggle of our people and from an objective
analysis of our community's strategic needs. We recognize that without a
strategic use of education, an education that places value on what we value, we
will not realize our destiny. Chicanos recognize the central importance of
institutions of higher learning to modern progress, in this case, to the
development of our community. But we go further: we believe that higher
education must contribute to the information of a complete person who truly
values life and freedom. The destiny of our people will be fulfilled. to that
end, we pledge our efforts and take as our credo what Jose Vasconcelos once said
at a time of crisis and hope: "At this moment we do not come to work for the
university, but to demand that the university work for our people.'' Political
Action Introduction for the Movement, political action essentially means
influencing the decision-making process of those institutions which affect
Chicanos, the university, community organizations, and non-community
institutions. Political action encompasses the elements which
function in a progression: political consciousness, political mobilization, and
tactics. Each part breaks down into further subdivisions. Before continuing with
specific discussions of these three categories, a brief historical analysis must
be formulated. Historical Perspective The political activity of the Chicano
Movement at colleges and universities to date has been specifically directed
toward establishing Chicano student organizations (UMAS, MAYA, MASC, M.E.Ch.A.,
etc.) and institutionalizing Chicano Studies programs. A variety of
organizational forms and tactics have characterized these student organizations.
One of the major factors which led to political awareness in the 60's was the
clash between Anglo-American educational institutions and Chicanos who
maintained their cultural identity. Another factor was the increasing number of
Chicano students who became aware of the extent to which colonial conditions
characterized their communities. The result of this domestic colonialism is that
the barrios and colonias are dependent communities with no institutional power
base and significantly influencing decision-making. Political action encompasses the elements which
function in a progression: political consciousness, political mobilization, and
tactics. Each part breaks down into further subdivisions. Before continuing with
specific discussions of these three categories, a brief historical analysis must
be formulated. Historical Perspective The political activity of the Chicano
Movement at colleges and universities to date has been specifically directed
toward establishing Chicano student organizations (UMAS, MAYA, MASC, M.E.Ch.A.,
etc.) and institutionalizing Chicano Studies programs. A variety of
organizational forms and tactics have characterized these student organizations.
One of the major factors which led to political awareness in the 60's was the
clash between Anglo-American educational institutions and Chicanos who
maintained their cultural identity. Another factor was the increasing number of
Chicano students who became aware of the extent to which colonial conditions
characterized their communities. The result of this domestic colonialism is that
the barrios and colonias are dependent communities with no institutional power
base and significantly influencing decision-making. Within the last decade, a limited degree of
progress has taken place in securing a base of power within educational
institutions. Other factors which affected the political awareness of the
Chicano youth were: the heritage of the Chicano youth movements of the 30's and
40's; the failure of the Chicano political efforts of the 40's and 50's; the
bankruptcy of the Mexican- American pseudo-political associations; and the
disillusionment of Chicano participants in the Kennedy campaigns. Among the
strongest influences of Chicano youth today have been the National Farm Workers
Association, the Crusades for Justice, and the Alianza Federal de Pueblos Libres,
The Civil Rights, the Black Power, and the Anti-war movements were other
influences. As political consciousness increased, there occurred a
simultaneously a renewed cultural awareness which, along with social and
economical factors, led to the proliferation of Chicano youth organizations. By
the mid 1960's, MASC, MAYA, UMAS, La Vida Nueva, and M.E.Ch.A. appeared on
campus, while the Brown Berets, Black Berets, ALMA, and la Junta organized the
barrios and colonias. These groups differed from one another depending
on local conditions and their varying state of political development. Despite
differences in name and organizational experience, a basic unity evolved. These
groups have had a significant impact on the awareness of large numbers of
people, both Chicano and non-Chicano. Within the communities, some public
agencies have been sensitized, and others have been exposed. On campuses,
articulations of demands and related political efforts have dramatized NUESTRA
CAUSA. Concrete results are visible in the establishment of corresponding
supportive services. The institutionalization of Chicano Studies marks the
present stage of activity; the next stage will involve the strategic application
of university and college resources to the community. One immediate result will be the elimination of the artificial distinction which exists between the students and the community. Rather than being its victims, the community will benefit from the resources of the institutions of higher learning. Political Consciousness Commitment to the struggle for Chicano liberation is the operative definition of the ideology used here. Chicanismo involves a crucial distinction in political consciousness between a Mexican American, or (Hispanic) and a Chicano mentality. The Mexican American or Hispanic is a person who lacks self-respect and pride in one's ethnic and cultural background. Thus, the Chicano acts with confidence and with a range of alternatives in the political world. He is capable of developing and effective ideology through action. Mexican Americans (or Hispanics) must be viewed as potential Chicanos. Chicanismo is flexible enough to relate to the varying levels of consciousness within La Raza. Regional variations must always be kept in mind as well as the different levels of development, composition, maturity, achievement, and experience in political action. Cultural nationalism is a means of total Chicano liberation. There are definite advantages to cultural nationalism, but no inherent limitations. A Chicano ideology, especially as it involves cultural nationalism, should be positively phrased in the form of propositions to the Movement. Chicanismo is a concept that integrates self-awareness with cultural identity, a necessary step in developing political consciousness. As such, it serves as a basis for political action, flexible enough to include the possibility of coalitions. The related concept of La Raza provides an internationalist scope of Chicanismo, and La Raza Cosmica furnishes a philosophical precedent. Within this framework, the Third World concept merits consideration. Political Mobilization Political mobilization is directly dependent on political consciousness. As political consciousness develops the potential for political action increases. The Chicano student organization in institutions of higher learning is central to all effective political mobilization. Effective mobilization presupposes precise definition of political goals and of the tactical interrelationships of roles. Political goals in any given situations must encompass the totality of Chicano interests in higher education. The differentiations of roles required by a given situation must be defined on the basis of mutual accountability and equal sharing of responsibility. Furthermore, the mobilization of community support not only legitimizes the activities of Chicano student solidarity in axiomatic in all aspects of political action. Since the movements are definitely of national significance and scope, all student organizations should adopt one identical name throughout the state and eventually the nation to characterize the common struggle of La Raza de Aztlán. The net gain is a step toward greater national unity which enhances the power in mobilizing local campus organizations. When advantageous, political coalitions and alliances with non-Chicano groups may be considered. A careful analysis must precede the decision to enter into a coalition. One significant factor is the community's attitude toward coalitions. Another factor is the formulation of a mechanism for the distribution of power that ensures maximum participation in decision making: i.e., formulation of demands and planning of tactics. When no longer politically advantageous, Chicano participation in the coalition ends. Campus Organizing: Notes on M.E.Ch.A. Introduction M.E.Ch.A. is a first step to tying the students groups throughout the Southwest into a vibrant and responsive network of activists who will respond as a unit to oppression and racism and will work in harmony when initiating and carrying put campaigns of liberation for our people. As of present, wherever one travels throughout the Southwest, one finds that there are different levels of awareness of different campuses. The student movement is to a large degree a political movement and as such must not elicit from our people the negative reason. To this end, then we must re-define politics for our people to be a means of liberation. The political sophistication of our Raza must be raised so that they do not fall prey to apologists and vendidos whose whole interest if their personal career of fortune. In addition, the student movement is more than a political movement; it is cultural and social as well. The spirit of M.E.Ch.A. must be one of hermandad and cultural awareness. The ethic of profit and competition, of greed and intolerance, which the Anglo society offers must be replaced by our ancestral communalism and love for beauty and justice. M.E.Ch.A. must bring to the mind of every young Chicano that the liberations of this people from prejudice and oppression is in his hands and this responsibility is greater than personal achievement and more meaningful that degrees, especially if they are earned at the expense of his identity and cultural integrity. M.E.Ch.A., then, is more than a name; it is a spirit of unity, of brotherhood, and a resolve to undertake a struggle for liberation in society where justice is but a word. M.E.Ch.A. is a means to an end. Function of M.E.Ch.A. - To the Student To socialize and politicize Chicano students of their particular campus to the ideals of the movement. It is important that every Chicano student on campus be made to feel that he has a place on the campus and that he/she has a feeling of familia with his/her Chicano brothers, and sisters. Therefore, the organization in its flurry of activities and projects must not forget or overlook the human factor of friendship, understanding, trust, etc. As well as stimulating hermanidad, this approach can also be looked at in more pragmatic terms. If enough trust, friendship, and understanding are generated, then the loyalty and support can be relied upon when a crisis faces the group or community. This attitude must not merely provide a social club atmosphere but the strengths, weaknesses, and talents of each member should be known so that they may be utilized to the greatest advantage. Know one another. Part of the reason that students will come to the organization is in search of self-fulfillment. Give that individual the opportunity to show what he/she can do. Although the Movement stresses collective behavior, it is important that the individual be recognized and given credit for his/her efforts. When people who work in close association know one another well, it is more conductive to self-criticism and re-evaluation, and this every M.E.Ch.A. person must be willing to submit to. Periodic self-criticism often eliminates static cycles of unproductive behavior. It is an opportunity for fresh approaches to old problems to be surfaces and aired; it gives new leadership a chance to emerge; and must be recognized as a vital part of M.E.Ch.A. M.E.Ch.A. can be considered a training ground for leadership, and as such no one member or group of members should dominate the leadership positions for long periods of time. This tends to take care of itself considering tie transitory nature of students. Recruitment and Education Action is the best organizer. During and immediately following direct action of any type--demonstrations, marches, rallies, or even symposiums and speeches-- new faces will often surface and this is where much of the recruiting should be done. New members should be made to feel that they are part of the group immediately and not that they have to go through a period of warming up to the old membership. Each new member should be given a responsibility as soon as possible and fitted into the scheme of things according to his or her talents and interests. Since the college student is constantly faced with the responsibility of raising funds for the movements, whether it be for legal defense, the grape boycott, or whatever reason, this is an excellent opportunity for internal education. Fund-raising events should always be educational. If the event is a symposium or speech or debate, is usually an excellent opportunity to spread the Chicano Liberation Movement philosophy. If the event is a pachanga or tardeada or baile, this provides an excellent opportunity to practice and teach the culture in all its facets. In addition, each M.E.Ch.A. chapter should establish and maintain an extensive library of Chicano materials so that the membership has ready access to material which will help them understand their people and their problems. General meetings should be educational. The last segment of each regular meeting can be used to discuss ideological or philosophical differences, or some event in the Chicano's history. It should be kept in mind that there will always be different levels of awareness within the group due to the individual's background or exposure of the movement. This must be taken into consideration so as not to alienate members before they have had a chance to listen to the argument for liberation. The best educational device is being in the barrio as often as possible. More often than not the members of M.E.Ch.A. will be products of the barrio; but many have lost contact with their former surroundings, and this tie must be re-established if M.E.Ch.A. is to organize and work for La Raza. The following things should be kept in mind in order to develop group cohesiveness: 1) know the talents and abilities of each member; 2) every semester must be given a responsibility, and recognition should be given for their efforts; 3) of mistakes are made, they should become learning experiences for the whole group and not merely excuses for ostracizing individual members; 4) since many people come to M.E.Ch.A. seeking self-fulfillment, they must be seized to educate the student to the Chicano philosophy, culture, and history; 6) of great importance is that a personal and human interaction exist between members of the organization so that such things as personality clashes, competition, ego-trips, subterfuge, infiltration, provocateurs, cliques, and mistrust do not impede the cohesion and effectiveness of the group. Above all the feeling of hermanidad must prevail
so that the organization is more to the members than just a club or a clique.
M.E.Ch.A. must be learning and fulfilling experience that develops dedication
and commitment. A delicate but essential question is discipline. Discipline is
important to an organization such as M.E.Ch.A. because many may suffer form the
indiscretion of a few. Because of the reaction of the general population to the
demands of the Chicano, one can always expect some retribution or retaliation
for gains made by the Chicano is it in the form of legal actions or merely
economic sanction on the campus. Therefore, it becomes essential that each
member pull his load and that no one be allowed to be dead weight. Carga floja
is dangerous, and if not brought up to par, it must be cut loose. The best
discipline comes from mutual respect, and therefore, the leaders of the group
must enjoy and give this respect. The manner of enforcing discipline, however,
should be left up to the group and the particular situation. The Function of M.E.Ch.A. - To the Campus
Community Other students can be important to M.E.Ch.A. in supportive roles;
hence, the question of coalitions. Although it is understood and quite obvious
that the viability and amenability of coalition varies form campus to campus,
some guidelines might be kept in mind. These questions should be asked before
entering into any binding agreement. Is it beneficial to tie oneself to another
group in coalition which will carry one into conflicts for which on is
ill-prepared or involve one with issues on which one is ill-advised? Can one
sagely go into a coalition where one group is markedly stronger than another?
Does M.E.Ch.A. have an equal voice in leadership and planning in the coalition
group? Is it perhaps better to enter into a loose alliance for a given issue?
How does leadership of each group view coalitions? How does the membership? Can
M.E.Ch.A. hold up its end of the bargain? Will M.E.Ch.A. carry dead weight in a
coalition? All of these and many more questions must be asked and answered
before one can safely say that he/she will benefit from and contribute to a
strong coalition effort. Supportive groups. When moving on campus it is
often well-advised to have groups who are willing to act in supportive roles.
For example, there are usually any number of faculty members who are
sympathetic, but limited as to the numbers of activities they will engage in.
These faculty members often serve on academic councils and senates and can be
instrumental in academic policy. They also provide another channel to the
academic power structure and can be used as leverage in negotiation. However,
these groups are only as responsive as the ties with them are nurtured. This
goes not mean, compromise M.E.Ch.A.'s integrity; it merely means laying good
groundwork before an issue is brought up, touching bases with your allies before
hand. Sympathetic administrators. This is a delicate area since administrators
are most interested in not jeopardizing their positions and often will try to
act as buffers or liaison between the administration and the student group. In
the case of Chicano administrators, it should not be priori be assumed, he/she
must be given the chance to prove his/her allegiance to La Causa. As such,
he/she should be the Chicano's person in the power structure instead of the
administration's Mexican-American. It is from the administrator that information
can be obtained as to the actual feasibility of demands or programs to go beyond
the platitudes and pleas of unreasonableness with which the administration
usually answers proposals and demands. The words of the administrator should never be
the deciding factor in students' actions. The student must at all time make
their own decisions. It is very human for people to establish self-interest.
Therefore, students must constantly remind the Chicano administrators and
faculty where their loyalty and allegiance lie. It is very easy for
administrators to begin looking for promotions just as it is very natural for
faculty members to seek positions of academic prominence. In short, it is the
students who must keep after Chicano and non-Chicano administrators and faculty
to see that they do not compromise the position of the student and the
community. By the same token, it is the student who must come to the support of
these individuals if they are threatened for their support of the student.
Students must be careful not to become a political level for others. Function of M.E.Ch.A. - Education it is a fact
that the Chicano has not often enough written his/her own history, his/her own
anthropology, his/her own sociology, and his /her own literature. He/she must do
this if he is to survive as a cultural entity in this melting pot society, which
seeks to dilute varied cultures into a gray upon gray pseudo-culture of
technology and materialism. The Chicano student is doing most of the work in the
establishment of study programs, centers, curriculum development, entrance
programs to get more Chicanos into college. This is good and must continue, but
students must be careful not to be co-opted in their fervor for establishing
relevance on the campus. Much of what is being offered by college systems and
administrators is too little too late. M.E.Ch.A. must not compromise programs
and curriculum which are essential for the total education of the Chicano for
the sake of expediency. The students must not become so engrossed in programs
and centers created along establish academic guidelines that they forget the
needs of the people which these institutions are meant to serve. To this end,
barrio input must always be given full and open hearing when designing these
programs, when creating them and in running them. The jobs created by these
projects must be filled by competent Chicanos, not only the Chicano who has the
traditional credentials required for the position, but one who has the
credentials of the Raza. To often in the past the dedicated pushed for a program
only to have a vendido sharp-talker come in and take over and start working for
his Anglo administrator. Therefore, students must demand a say in the
recruitment and selection of all directors and assistant directors of
student-initiated programs. To further insure strong if not complete control of
the direction and running of programs, all advisory and steering committees
should have both student and community components as well as sympathetic Chicano
faculty as member. Tying the campus to the barrio. The colleges and
universities in the past have existed in an aura of omnipotence and
infallibility. It is time that they are made responsible and responsive to the
communities in which they are located or whose member they serve. As has already
been mentioned, community members should serve on all program related to Chicano
interests. In addition to this, all attempts must be made to take the college
and university to the barrio, whether it is in form of classes giving college
credit or community centers financed by the school for the use of community
organizations and groups. Also, the barrio must be brought to the campus,
whether it is for special programs or ongoing services which the school provides
for the people of the barrio. The idea must be made clear to the people of the
barrio that they own the schools and the schools and all their resources are at
their disposal. The student group must utilize the resources
open to the school for the benefit of the barrio at every opportunity. This can
be done by hiring more Chicanos to work as academic and non-academic personnel
on the campus; this often requires exposure of racist hiring practices now in
operation in may college and universities. When functions, social, or otherwise,
are held in the barrio under the sponsorship of the college and university,
monies should be spent in the Barrio. This applies to hiring Chicano contractors
to build on campus, etc. Many colleges and universities have publishing
operations which could be forced to accept barrio works for publication. Many
other things could be considered in using the resources of the school to the
barrio. There are possibilities for using the physical plant and facilities not
mentioned here, but this is an area which has great potential. M.E.Ch.A. in the
Barrio Most colleges in the southwest are located near or in the same town as a
barrio. Therefore, it is the responsibility of M.E.Ch.A. members to establish
close working relationship with organization in the barrio. The M.E.Ch.A. people must be able to take the pulse of the barrio and be able to respond to it. However, M.E.Ch.A. must be careful not to overstep its authority or duplicate the efforts of another organization already in the barrio. M.E.Ch.A. must be able to relate to all segments of the barrio, from the middle-class assimilations to los vatos locos. Obviously, every barrio has its particular needs, and M.E.Ch.A. people must determine with the help of those in the barrio where they can be most effective. There are, however, some general areas which M.E.Ch.A. can involve itself. Some of them are: 1) policing social and governmental agencies to make them more responsive in a humane and dignified was to the people of the barrio; 2) carrying out research on the economic and credit policies of merchants in the barrio and exposing fraudulent and exorbitant establishment; 3) speaking and communicating with junior high and high school students, helping with their projects, teaching them organizational techniques, supporting their actions; 4) spreading the message of the movement by any media available - this means speaking, radio, television, local newspaper, underground paper, poster, art, theaters; in shot, spreading propaganda of the Movement; 5) exposing discrimination in hiring and renting practices and many other areas which the student because of his/her mobility, his/her articulation, and his/her vigor should take as hi/her responsibility. It may mean at time having to work in conjunction with other organizations. If this is the case and the project is one begun by the other organization, realize that M.E.Ch.A. is there as a supporter and should
accept the direction of the group involved. Por la Raza habla el espiritu.
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